The corporate media and big tech giants were quick to implicate Missouri Senator Josh Hawley in their imaginary “insurrection,” that took place on January 6th in Washington. In actuality a handful of goofballs walked around the capital building while law enforcement scratched their balls.
But because Hawley wasn’t a spinless coward, he has been politically and personally attacked for merely questioning something that every democrat has fought to openly question each time the shoe was on the other foot: election integrity. I’ve seen some shady things go down in Washington. I don’t trust most politicians, but I do know that most often, the politicians being attacked by the corporate-loving money-grubbing $20K-dollar-fridge-owning elites are quite often the people actually trying to weed out corruption and give the people back their voice.
Hawley did nothing wrong. And his book just proves that most of the media attacks on him are desperate attempts by slimeballs who enjoy lining their pockets with our hard-earned rights.
I received an ARC copy from the publisher to review it for free, but the second I finished it, I went to my local bookstore and bought 2 copies. 1 for me, and 1 for my mother (a life-long democrat who got reddish black pilled hard last year as everything classical liberals stand for was tread on by the socialist forces within the trashy democrat party).
This book isn’t about right or left. Though the media and especially Big Tech elites don’t want anyone to think that, anyone who thinks for themselves and doesn’t fall for simple divide and conquer tactics will see this book as a vital resource in the fight against tyranny.
You can read my review here: https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2021/05/why_you_need_to_read_josh_hawleys_emthe_tyranny_of_big_techem.html
And because I love words, one-liners, and quotes, here are my favorite lines from the text:
-This is a book the corporate monopolies did not want you to read.
-My sin was to raise an objection to one state during the electoral college certification process, thereby triggering a congressional debate, precisely as permitted by the law and precisely as Democratic members of Congress have done in the electoral counts of 2001, 2005, and 2017. I was, in fact, waiting to participate in that debate on the Senate floor when the riot halted our work and forced the Senate (temporarily) to disband. For this I was branded a “seditionist” and worse. But like many others attacked by the corporations and the Left, my real crime was to have challenged the reign of the woke capitalists.
-Our republic has never been more hierarchical, more riven by class, more managed by an elite than it is today.
-I proposed limits to tech’s addictive design features and reforms to confront tech’s political censorship. This followed from my efforts as Missouri attorney general to investigate Facebook (and Google) for antitrust and consumer protection violations. I was the first state attorney general in the nation to launch such a probe. Facebook, Inc. was not amused.
-(On Theodore Roosevelt-my fav president, and the last president of the people the US had) Roosevelt believed that liberty had more to it than the right to be let alone. It was the right to have a say in one’s nation, to help shape the future of the community one called home, to exercise the power and mastery of a citizen.
-(On the railway moguls at the start of the industrial age-the first elites to start taking over our free market) This first generation of corporate barons left a lasting, if dubious, legacy: they made America more hierarchical, with new divisions between management and labor, between a professional class and everyday workers. They made the economy more centralized, consolidating power into a few mega-companies and their owners; they made it more globalized, keyed to international capital and trade. They diminished the voice of the ordinary citizen in society and politics in favor of educated, professionalized elites. In short, they gave America an entirely new political economy, what some historians have called corporate liberalism.
-Big Tech’s business model is based principally on data collection and advertising, which means devising ways to manipulate individuals to change their behavior—and then selling that opportunity at manipulation to big corporations. The result? An addiction economy designed to keep us online as much as possible, as long as possible, to sell us more and more stuff and collect more and more information.
-That sturdy American yeoman, the common man, was to be swept aside as the dominant force in American life and replaced by the enlightened, sophisticated, corporate aristocracy. America would become a corporate republic.
-“Wall Street was invented to build the railroads,” social historian Jack Beatty writes, “the first business enterprises in America too big for individuals or local investors to finance on their own.”
-(1872) One House committee set up to investigate the scandal voiced the public’s gathering discontent in a report issued a year later. “The country is fast becoming filled with gigantic corporations, wielding and controlling immense aggregations of money, and thereby commanding great influence and power,” the report concluded.
-The new monopolies brought bulging profits without all that desperate competitive struggle. The capitalists were certain they had unlocked the secret of the industrial age. This was what the new economy, the new country, required, they decided: enlightened management and control, by persons such as themselves.
-Every society had its elites, of course: its wealthy, well-educated, upwardly mobile types. Machiavelli, a republican himself, called them the grandi. The trick to preserving a republic was not to allow them to predominate as a class, to amass power at the expense of their fellows. Or more precisely: the key was not to allow them to amass power at the expense of the common man.
-When Mark Zuckerberg came to see me on Capitol Hill, he started our meeting by offering that Facebook intended to set up data centers in the Midwest, my home region. This point was in service to the Big Tech line that its industry can offer jobs to ordinary people, those without advanced engineering degrees or computer science training.
-We all have to live in the world Big Tech has created around us.
-As the power of the common person declined, the power of the Big Tech overclass multiplied: power over attention, over time, over users’ judgment, and soon power over their speech.
-Facebook mouthed platitudes about user privacy and choice; company executives disclaimed any political manipulation or unequal treatment; but the truth was clearly otherwise. Facebook had a political agenda, or more precisely, a social agenda, and it was determined to use its power to achieve it.
-In the great Age of Tech, journalism was clickbait, and Big Tech controlled the clicks.
-Big Tech was the culmination of the corporate liberal ideology and the globalized economy it envisioned. This was an economy that by the early twenty-first century depended less and less on producing anything tangible, or on producers themselves, for that matter, but lavished ever greater rewards on the rarified, highly educated, largely urban technologist class.
-That’s the thing about plutocrats: once they seize the power, they tend to keep it.
-Big Tech had bought enormous influence in the hallowed precincts of Washington, D.C. Second, Big Tech was (and is) desperate to protect its special relationship, its sweetheart deals, with Big Government.
-Big Tech is desperately afraid of public criticism, of someone taking a public stand.
-When the tech behemoths claim, as they routinely do, that they couldn’t exist without Section 230 they are only slightly exaggerating. They couldn’t exist without the new and improved Section 230 that they rewrote with the help of the courts.
-Big Tech’s handouts from Big Government made the tech class what it is.
-It is possible to imagine a world where tech serves us, and not the other way around, where the Big Tech monopolies are monopolies no longer, where our property in our personal data is protected, where our children are safe online, where our speech is free.
-Families are one center of influence to counter Big Tech’s power
-Today’s Big Tech barons have benefited from lax antitrust enforcement and outdated antitrust laws, from cozy relationships with supposed regulators, and from special protections in the law. All this must end.
-We must free ordinary Americans from the constant surveillance and manipulation of the tech giants.
-Antitrust has become a legal backwater in recent decades. But the curse of bigness is back, and antitrust enforcement must come back with it, updated to perform its original, republican function: protecting the independence of the American people from oligarchic control.
-End section 230 immunity from lawsuits for tech giants that engage in manipulative, behavioral ads.
-It’s a simple proposition. Engage in behavioral advertising, lose the Section 230 shield. Manipulative advertising based on personal characteristics is far from the passive distribution of third-party content Congress envisaged when it adopted Section 230 a quarter century ago. And behavioral ads drive many of tech platforms’ worst pathologies—the surveillance, the addiction race, the data pilfering. But Section 230’s shield from liability is worth far more to Big Tech than even behavioral advertising. Section 230 is the giant government subsidy on which Big Tech feeds and has built its empire.
-give every American the right to stop data collection altogether with the click of a button. That’s what I call the Do Not Track proposal, legislation I introduced in the Senate.
-The tyranny of Big Tech can be challenged.
-Theodore Roosevelt understood that our republic was a republic of the common person. This is what made it a republic of liberty. Now we must recall his example and make it so again.